Kniffen's "Pomo Geography: Cultural Landscape" Pt I
Originally Published: University of California Press Berkeley, California 1939
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The eagle, crow, falcon, and hawk represented the larger land birds; quail were present. The otter was the most prominent of the water mammals. On land the skunk, rabbit, raccoon, ground and tree squirrels, rats and mice were all plentiful. Among the larger predatory animals were the mountain lion, bobcat, and grizzly. Black bears are still occasionally found. Deer are still found abundant in the area, safe in the dense chaparral, and elk were formerly numerous.
These, then, are the elements of the natural of the natural landscape : topography, drainage, vegetation, climate, and animal life. In their ensemble they formed the site occupied by a large primitive population ; in their individuality they were the mediums through which a primitive culture provided clothing, food, and shelter. As sites go, the region was a favorable one. It provided game as well as acorn, seed, and root gathering quite as well as did adjoining regions. Furthermore, it provided fish and waterfowl in an abundance not rivaled in any adjacent area. The site proved a magnet in attracting peoples less favorably situated. For its residents it provided a necessity to high development of social and religious institutions, namely leisure.
Cultural Landscape
Occupying the Clear Lake basin were twelve distinguishable Indian groups ; a thirteenth occupied the banks of Cache Creek, the outlet stream. In the northwestern section of the basin it was the semi-isolated sections of flat lake plain that offered the nuclei about which these groups were gathered, In spite of the attractions offered by the lake the main settlements were some distance removed from the shore, in the “valleys” along the streams or adjacent to a spring or to one of the smaller ponds. In the southeastern section, on the contrary, there was a true lake-dwelling population. Here the chief settlements were on islands. Flats and streams were few. Lake fishing and waterfowl hunting must have been the most significant activities in providing the food supply ; their pursual made dwelling near the lake essential.
Clear Lake was overwhelmingly a Pomo Lake, that is, in a linguistic sense. There was no political unity, in fact there was not true linguistic unity, as three distinct dialects or languages of Pomo were represented. Three other linguistic groups, Miwok, Wappo, and Patwin, were represented permanently or intermittently. Miwok occupied territory around Cache Creek, Wappo Lile’ek shared part of Big Valley with the Habenapo. Palmer quotes Powers to the effect that a party of Patwin, driven out of Long Valley in a civil war, had for a time occupied territory near the head of Clear Lake.
Kroeber has fittingly designated these thirteen subgroups “village communities.” It appears that for each there was a main village which served as headquarters, contained the sudatory and dance house, and was lived in during off seasons. Main village sites became filthy through continued occupation ; firewood grew scarce ; the roofs of the sudatory and dance house became unsafe ; pestilence invaded the village, and the site was deserted. This must have happened many times in the dim past, but few records of concrete instances are obtainable. The village of Matuho was situated near the junction of Cold Creek with the east fork for the Russian River. Because of an epidemic of something resembling diarrhoea the site was abandoned about 1835 and has not since been occupied.
For each of the village communities there was one and sometimes more chiefs. The office appears not to have been vigorously hereditary, other factors making themselves felt. The retiring chief had some word in the choice of his successor. He felt the responsibility of his office and desired to be worthily succeeded. At least among the people of Shigom there was also a war leader, and each dwelling containing several families of relatives had its house chief.
If our information is correct, there was great divergence in practice among the Clear Lake Pomo with respect to land ownership. The Southeastern Pomo, those dwelling about Lower and East lakes, recognized family ownership of plots fronting on the lake. Among the remaining village communities private ownership extended only to certain pepperwoods, oaks, pines, and seed-bearing plants. Here the idea of ownership referred not to the land itself, but only to the gathering privileges. There was recognition of seasonal ownership of certain fishing sites along the streams, particularly should the occupant make some improvement such as the construction of a dam.
Pomo culture was sufficiently complex to demand the development for specialists for certain tasks. The office was frequently hereditary, though not necessarily according to bonds of consanguinity. There were techniques, songs, and charms to be taught and given by the specialist to his successor.
Stream fishing was a comparatively easy task and one in which anyone might ordinarily take part. Lake fishing, on the contrary was more difficult, and was carried on by professional fishermen. One or several individuals hired a fisherman to work for them. Each contributed shell money according to his desire or means. The catch of the fisherman was divided among his employers according to the amount of each individual contribution.
Communal deer drives were conducted and, though thee was some division of labor, all might take part. The long still-hunters, who used stuffed deer-head masks and had songs and charms, were highly specialized.
The making of shell money was also a specialty ; Gifford reports likewise for the making of fish and waterfowl nets, and Loeb for the flaking of obsidian.
Peaceful relations generally existed among the various groups about Clear Lake. Group boundaries were well defined but were not rigidly enforced when all were at peace. Various things dictated whether or not boundaries might be disregarded without engendering ill feeling. It was well for the invader to make known the purpose of his trespass, so that his motives might not be misunderstood. Konocti Mountain was the principal source of angelica root, highly prized for ceremonial purposes. On the mountain there were certain patches where anyone might gather without special permission of the Lile’ek, Habenapo, or Limakma ; certain patches were reserved. The choicest obsidian was found on the peninsula that extends between East and Lower lakes. The area was open to all, but a declaration of intention to gather the material was considered proper. The source of the highly valued magnesite was a possession of the Koi people. With a special understanding the other Clear Lake groups might go to Koi territory and help themselves. More frequently the Koi people, who were on the ground, picked up the better pieces of magnesite and sold them to the others.
There appears to have been considerable laxity with regard to hunting and gathering privileges away from the inhabited sites, and where there was no established private ownership. There are accounts of the Kuhlanapo people going unmolested to gather seeds and dig roots in Boalke territory.
The waters of main Clear Lake were international, although it is true that there was little of value to be found away from the tule and shallow waters along the shore.
To sum it all up, it appears that there was normally enough to permit all to help themselves. Only gross violations of good conduct aroused resentment and necessitated an accounting by the violators.
With more distant peoples the lake Pomo seem to have maintained much the same relations as among themselves. There were frequent visitors to the lake, some of them seasonally, for the purpose of hunting waterfowl and fishing. It was principally through these tris that trading and intermarriage were entered into. Among the Lile’ek, permanent settlement on the shores of the lake resulted.
Of actual combats there were a number. It seems likely that few of these have been forgotten, as warfare is an event to be long remembered. If this is so, the number recorded should be a fair indicator that combat was unusual. In nature the conflicts ranged from massacres by adventurous young men, as in the attack on a seed-gathering party of Kuhlanapo by a party from the Russian River, to the formal battle between the Lile’ek allies and the Habenapo allies over the attempt of the former to divert the course of Kelsey Creek (Hitch-bidame) and so gain control of the important hitch supply. Aside from the massacres the encounters seem to have been rather bloodless. In addition to the above-mentioned conflicts there was one between the combined Big Valley and Shigom and the Northeast or Salt Pomo ; two between the people of Elem and the Cache Creek Patwin ; between Shigom and Danoxa and between Shigom and Elem ; between the allied Big and Scotts Valley people and the Upper Lake people ; between the Kuhlanapo and Habenapo.
The Pomo were not great travelers. When parties went to the coast or two Stoney Creek they were composed of selected individuals ; they numbered only a few, as compared to those who remained at home. Many persons in their whole lifetime never left the bounds of their own communities. Nevertheless, trips were made with some degree of regularity.
In late summer, before the acorn-gathering season, parties went to Bodega Bay for shells. At the same time another party might set out for the Salt Pomo for salt. In late winter, if the acorn store was running short, a party went over the mountains to the Russian River people to trade for a supply. There were local trips for obsidian, magnesite, angelica root, and for red earth for making acorn bread.
The lake people also received visitors regularly. The Matuho, Potter Valley people, came regularly to hunt and fish with the Kaiyao. The Yokaia came each year to fish with the Boalke at Kabel, and packed their fish back across the mountains. The Lile’ek and Tsoiwal were visitors among the Habenapo. The Cache Creek Patwin and Coyote Valley Miwok came to Lower and East Lakes, and the Long Valley Patwin to Shigom and Upper Lake. The visitors were welcome ; some of them, as for example the Matuho and Yokaia, had linguistic affiliations with the people visited.
Sometimes trading with outside groups was incidental to contacts brought about for other reasons ; at other times, it was preconceived and regularly carried out. Though pure barter was occasionally practiced, as a general rule the goods to be traded had a set price in clamshell money. The Elem people purchased bows from the Long Valley Patwin ; they gave fish and clams. The East Lake people were visited yearly by parties from Sherwood, who traded bows and arrows for shell money. The Geyserville Pomo came annually to Lakopodso, and, under the cottonwood near Kashibadon, sold shell brought from the coast. Iris cord for deer snares was brought from the north.
The lake region had a surplus of magnesite, fish, furs, and skins, and sometimes acorns. The lake dwellers needed yew bows, shells for making money, seaweed, and salt. In addition to satisfying their own needs they acted as a link in the chain that carried the products of the sea inland and transferred the desired articles of the interior toward the coast.